Third World and transnational feminisms have emerged in opposition to white second-wave feminists’ single-pronged analyses of gender oppression that elided Third World women’s multiple and complex oppressions in their various social locations. In other words, the fight on this political battlefield, I recognize, cannot be won only through academic disputes and inquires, but is rooted in a much more profound cleavage between, on the one hand, what has remained of academic Marxism and other emancipatory practices, among which I count, broadly speaking, feminism, and, on the other hand, the actual political practices of our time. Although I recognize these limitations and try to offer, briefly, some insights that I believe future theoretical endeavors have to take into account, it remains true there is a need for a new form of emancipatory political thought that manages to address cultural contingencies without falling into the trap of postmodernist relativism. The conclusions I draw have some fundamental limits, mainly regarding theoretical divides within leftist political theory.
her accent on neoliberalism and anti-globalization movements, implies a point of convergence of antagonisms which should be used to move beyond the mere cultural relativism that characterizes a significant portion of the political Left today. In the second part, I try to show that her change in focus, i.e. A such, the first part of the paper consists of the assessment of her two works from this perspective. In this paper, I argue that her original critique and also her revision of the paper should remain valid for two reasons: making feminist theoretical inquiries more critical and salvaging the method of historical materialism. More than a third of a century has passed since Chandra Mohanty’s influential work on the colonizing effect of key parts of Western feminist work on the ‘Third World woman’.
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